Download Villa Victoria: The Transformation of Social Capital in a by Mario Luis Small PDF

By Mario Luis Small

For many years now, students and politicians alike have argued that the focus of poverty in urban housing tasks could produce mistrust, alienation, apathy, and social isolation—the disappearance of what sociologists name social capital. yet fairly few have tested accurately how such poverty impacts social capital or have thought of for what purposes residing in a negative local leads to such bad effects.This publication examines a overlooked Puerto Rican enclave in Boston to contemplate the professionals and cons of social clinical pondering the genuine nature of ghettos in the US. Mario Luis Small dismantles the idea that negative city neighborhoods are necessarily disadvantaged of social capital. He exhibits that the stipulations laid out in this thought are vaguely outlined and variable between bad groups. in line with Small, structural stipulations comparable to unemployment or a failed method of familial relatives needs to be said as affecting the city negative, yet person motivations and the significance of timing needs to be regarded as well.Brimming with clean theoretical insights, Villa Victoria is a chic paintings of sociology that would be necessary to scholars of city poverty.

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Dozens of corners of the South End became hubs for drinking, gambling, prostitution, and, as the century progressed, drug trafficking and its concomitant violent crime (see Keyes ; Lukas ). During the course of the twentieth century, and especially after World War II, two trends combined to cause the deterioration of the South End: the steady increase in the neighborhood’s criminal activity and the gradual departure of the stable working families. As early as the turn of the century, one study reports, there were, “ saloons,  liquor stores, and  poolrooms,” as well as numerous brothels and gambling operations in the South End (Woods , ).

As they reached their first century of existence, the townhouses began to deteriorate. One Puerto Rican resident who migrated in  remembers his dwelling on West Newton Street: “The apartment was terrible. There wasn’t hardly any hot water and there weren’t any storm windows. You could really see through holes in the walls” (quoted in Green , ). The  Census reported  percent of the dwellings as structurally unsound (see table ), and a  study found that  percent of the residential properties in the South End were not up to code (Stainton , ).

My apartment had four rooms. Three bedrooms, living room, and kitchen. ” But the filth of the neighborhood was insufferable. The squalor of the South End was exacerbated by the construction of the elevated train tracks above Washington Street around the turn of the nineteenth century, which cast a dark, bleak shadow on the surrounding neighborhood. The Allen mansion, once a grand structure dominating Worcester Square, suddenly found its view blocked and its tranquility shattered by the industrial rumble of the elevated train.

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