By Sebastian Edwards, Rudiger Dornbusch
Economists and political scientists from the us and Latin the United States element during this quantity how and why such courses get it wrong and what leads policymakers to continually undertake those guidelines regardless of a background of failure. Authors research this development in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Peru—and convey how Colombia controlled to prevent it. regardless of modifications in how every one nation carried out its regulations, the macroeconomic effects have been remarkably similar.
Scholars of Latin the USA will locate this paintings a useful source, supplying a particular macroeconomic viewpoint at the carrying on with controversy over the dynamics of populism.
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Extra resources for The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America
Several types of political incentives help to account for these tendencies. On the one hand, for the leaders of periodically excluded multiclass parties such as the Peronists and the Apristas, broad distributive appeals to workers and industrialists have been a way to mobilize the support necessary to regain entry into electoral politics and to consolidate power on occasions in which they have been allowed to take office. More narrowly based working-class parties such as the Chilean Communists and Socialists face similar incentives.
5 Repetition of Populist Cycles and Problems of Political Learning Countries vary not only with respect to the intensity of populist policy cycles, but with respect to the recurrence of those cycles. As suggested above, Argentina, Chile, Brazil, and Peru have each experienced several episodes that approximate the populist policy cycles outlined by Dornbusch and Edwards, whereas other countries discussed in this essay have experienced no more than one. 4. The table does not include a fairly large number of briefer or less extreme populist initiativesfor example, those of Frondizi in 1958 or Alfonsin in 1984.
L 2 A second pattern is one in which substantial portions of the popular-sector support parties are periodically barred from entering the electoral competition by economic and military elites. I3 Even during periods of civilian government, these parties frequently suffered prolonged military bans on electoral participation and/or winning control of the presidency. Because these parties had gained the allegiance of broad portions of the electorate, the bans-or the ongoing threat of them-made it virtually impossible to establish systems based on stable governing majorities.