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By Dr Fotios Moustakis

This book indicates that the jap Mediterranean, having been reworked from a sector of secondary significance throughout the chilly battle to at least one of higher significance for the western pursuits within the post-Cold conflict period, is in a nation of flux. regardless of sporadic classes of rapprochement, tensions among Greece and Turkey nonetheless exist. for this reason, one needs to query the grounds in the back of the shortcoming of ordinary relatives that exist among those NATO participants and its results at the NATO supplier as a complete. accordingly, this quantity has reasons first, to ascertain Greek and Turkish overseas, defense and defence guidelines in the course of and after the post-Cold warfare interval and moment, to enquire why those regulations were formulated.

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Extra info for The Greek-Turkish Relationship and NATO

Sample text

Fundamentally, Athens and Ankara remain concerned about sovereignty questions. 39 Athens sees this demarcation line as a direct threat to the sovereignty of the many Greek islands lying east of it. Turkey would have justification for establishing an economic zone with installations and then a security zone in the seas around these islands. The Greek government holds that these islands form a political continuum with the Greek mainland and that with increased regional penetration, the Turks would be able to interfere with Greek internal sea and air communications.

The Balkan Pact, concluded by Yugoslavia, Romania, Greece and Turkey in 1934, was the closest thing to such a comprehensive Balkan regional security system. Although the Balkan Pact was established as a mechanism for mutual co-operation among the Balkan countries, it represented a political barrier under the patronage of France and Great Britain to the influence of Germany and Italy, and to countries within their zone of influence such as Bulgaria. However, on the eve of the Second World War efforts were made to draw Bulgaria into the Balkan Pact.

At issue was the island of Lemnos which Greece wanted to include in NADGE and exercise scenarios. The fortification of Lemnos by Greece based on the 1936 Montreaux Convention has been objected to by Turkey which claims that Greece violated the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. In an attempt to overcome the Lemnos deadlock, Papandreou tried a roundabout approach at the end of 1984. 60 Despite Papandreou’s strong declaratory positions prior to the 1981 elections, the Socialist government pursued a rational policy with regards to the allocation of forces, aligned to the demands and needs of NATO’s military doctrine.

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