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By Timothy Scott Brown, Andrew Lison (eds.)

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49. 50. 51. 52. 53. M 27 13 (July 1970): 14. W. Norton, 2001), 327. Philippe Koechlin, “Enquête sur une musique accablée de soupçons,” Rock & Folk 48 (January 1971): 63. Hervé Hamon and Patrick Rotman, Génération (Paris: Seuil, 1987), 261. Vive la Revolution: Journal de Marxiste-Leniniste-Maoiste 6 (June 5, 1970): 2. Paul Alessandrini, “Nouvelles de l’underground,” Rock & Folk 48 (January 1971): 19. This was by no means an isolated case, as many rock concerts and festivals encountered resistance from municipal authorities during the early 1970s, leading many French musicians to choose to participate in concerts outside of France.

FLIP served as a method of ensuring the availability of performing venues, such as Maisons de la jeunesse et de la culture [MJC], which had been established in most French cities. 41 In rejecting the commercial aspects of pop music, Komintern, through FLIP, hoped to transform the production of pop music in France into one that was more participatory and egalitarian, despite Komintern’s decision to release its record through a corporate label, Pathé Marconi. The centralization of the music industry in France meant that groups that wanted to reach a larger audience were forced to work with the established music labels.

6. Eric Drott, Music and the Elusive Revolution: Cultural Politics and Political Culture in France, 1968–1981 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2011), esp. Chapter 4. 7. A prime example of this interpretation is Arthur Marwick’s The Sixties, which sees the Events of May in the Western world as merely a point within the trajectory of cultural change that had been in motion since the late 1950s. 1974 (New York: Oxford, 1998), especially chapter 2; and Micheal Seidman, The Imaginary Revolution: Parisian Students and Workers in 1968 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004).

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