By Patrick Manning
The small yet vital sector of Dahomey (now the People's Republic of Benin) has performed an energetic function on the planet economic climate through the period of mercantile and business capitalism, starting as an exporter of slaves and changing into an exporter of simple oil and palm kernels. This ebook covers a span of 3 centuries, integrating right into a unmarried framework the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial financial background of Dahomey. Mr Manning has pieced jointly an in depth physique of recent facts and new interpretations: he has mixed descriptive facts with quantitative info on overseas alternate, slave demography and colonial executive finance, and has used either Marxian and Neoclassical thoughts of monetary research. He argues that, regardless of the critical pressure on inhabitants and fiscal progress as a result of the slave alternate, the economic system persisted to extend from the 17th to the 19th century, and the colonial country acted as an monetary depressant instead of a stimulant.
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Extra resources for Slavery, Colonialism and Economic Growth in Dahomey, 1640-1960 (African Studies)
Almost all of these went to Bahia to work on sugar and tobacco plantations and in gold mines. Merchants of Bahia exported large quantities of tobacco to the Bight of Benin in exchange for slaves; the trade was thus carried by Brazilians rather than Portuguese. 24 In the eighteenth century the English followed the Brazilians in volume of slaves purchased, and landed slaves primarily in Jamaica but also in North America, Barbados and the Leeward Islands. The French were a close third in the eighteenth century, sending most of their slaves to Saint-Domingue, but sending many to Martinique early in the century.
28 The proportions of the Yoruba peoples in this total are not known, although it is likely that the peoples of the south and west were more heavily represented than those of the north and east. The third largest contributors of slave exports were the Eastern Voltaic peoples, especially the Bariba of modern Benin and Nigeria and the peoples of the Atacora mountains of northern Togo and Benin. The Eastern Voltaic slaves came almost entirely in the eighteenth century. The fourth largest ethnic group in slave exports was the Hausa, who came from 31 The Dahomean economy, 1640-1890 the far interior mostly at the time of the formation of the Sokoto Caliphate in the early nineteenth century.
Further, the decision to have another child to replace an infant lost to disease is easier to implement than the equivalent decision for an adolescent lost to slavers, as the parents' fertility declines with age. The only way to compensate for the loss of family through slave raids was therefore to have more children in advance of the raids, and this approach put a larger family at risk. Finally, for the women who were enslaved but retained in Africa, many of them ended up in harems, where they had smaller families than they would have had as a sole wife or with one or two co-wives.