By David Andrew Nichols
Purple gents and White Savages argues that once the devastation of the yankee progressive warfare, the most hindrance of Federalist and Indian leaders was once now not the move of land, however the recovery of social order at the frontier. Nichols makes a speciality of the "middle floor" of Indian treaty meetings, the place, in a sequence of encounters framed by way of the rituals of local American international relations and the principles of Anglo-American gentility, U.S. officers and forest Indian civil chiefs equipped an uneasy alliance. the 2 teams of leaders discovered that they shared universal objectives: either sought to manage their "unruly younger men"-disaffected white frontiersmen and local American warriors-and either preferred international relations, trade, and validated obstacles over army disagreement. Their alliance proved volatile. of their pursuit of peace and order alongside the frontier, either units of leaders irreparably alienated their very own fans. The Federalists misplaced energy in 1800 to the agrarian expansionists of the Democratic-Republican get together, whereas civil chiefs misplaced impact to the leaders of recent pan-Indian resistance events. This shift in political strength contributed to the outbreak of battle among the us, Britain, and Britain's Indian allies in 1812, and ready the best way for Indian elimination.
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Additional info for Red Gentlemen and White Savages: Indians, Federalists, and the Search for Order on the American Frontier (Jeffersonian America)
Massachusetts used this loophole to arrange two treaties with the Penobscots of central Maine (then part of Massachusetts) in which it purchased over a million acres of land for 350 blankets and 200 pounds of gunpowder. New York conducted more exten sive negotiations with the Six Nations, beginning with a 1784 conference at Fort Stanwix that closed w ithout results. Undaunted, Governor George Clinton met with the Oneidas in 1785 and browbeat their leaders into sell ing 200,000 acres on the Chenango and Unadilla Rivers for $11,500.
Both American officials and Indian leaders were still too close to the devastation of the War of American In dependence to negotiate a durable peace settlement, or even to put one an other at their ease. "I can't, when I reflect on what ravage, destruction, and barbarities [were] committed in the late war by those infernal savages . . reconcile our forgiving or treating with them without the greatest exertion of philosophy and New Testament principles," confessed Griffith Evans. Peter Muhlenberg warned Congress not to hold its treaty conferences in Pittsburgh or Louisville, where memories of William Crawford's execution and the Battle of Blue Licks were still fresh.
It appears, however, that more influential persons were pressuring Johnny and his followers. The Wyandot and Delaware chiefs attending the Fort Finney conference repeat edly urged the Shawnees to make peace with the United States, as they had done. While Shawnee captains believed that the Wyandots and Delawares had betrayed them at Fort McIntosh, treaty protocol prevented them from openly rejecting the advice of their "grandfathers" -of Indian nations who claimed prior ownership of the Shawnees' lands.