By Gilbert Rozman
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Additional info for Japanese Strategic Thought toward Asia
Global ordinary power Ozawa, Inoguchi 2005–20 Ordinary power vs. extraordinary power (Westphalian vs. Philadelphian) for them to make up their minds as to whether they would get along with the Americans or not before they announced the income-doubling plan in 1960 whereby they indicated that they would stick with the United States, focusing on wealth accumulation. Now after about 15 years since the collapse of the bubble, the Japanese appear to have reached a consensus on economic transformation, including how to lay off employees and deal with bad loans.
In addition to the fact that Mori was one of the four musketeers of Abe Shintaro, who had been strongly inclined to improve relations with the Soviet Union under Gorbachev, he also had personal ties from his father’s long-standing friendship with the Soviet Union. Meetings between him and Putin took place five times in a year, and at Irkutsk in March 2001 they brought relations to their peak in the postwar period. The Koizumi Era Japanese strategic thinking took an abrupt turn in the spring of 2001.
The other three parties, apart from North Korea and foreign policy elites in the United States, debated compromise approaches, accusing Bush of seeking regime change and of failing to make an offer that would shift the onus of inflexibility to the North. In contrast, the Japanese were most hopeful that sanctions could be invoked against the North and least attentive to prospects for a multistage process that might strengthen China’s hand as mediator and move the Northeast Asian region toward long-term multilateralism.