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By Urlah B. Nissam

India is the world's 12th greatest financial system at industry alternate premiums and the 3rd greatest in buying energy. financial reforms have reworked it into the second one quickest turning out to be huge economic system; even if, it nonetheless suffers from excessive degrees of poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition and environmental degradation. A pluralistic, multilingual, and multiethnic society, India can be domestic to a range of natural world in numerous secure habitats. This publication provides contemporary very important matters facing India.

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International Studies, 41(3): 313-334. Murthy, P. (2000) ‘BIMST-EC: Making Positive Moves’. Strategic Analysis, 24(4): 833-836. ——— (2002) ‘India ASEAN Relations Towards a Dynamic Partnership’. Indian Ocean Digest, 17(2): 53-57. Nanda, P. (2003) Rediscovering Asia: Evolution of India’s Look-East Policy. New Delhi: Lancer. C. (2003) ‘India and Southeast Asia: An Analysis of the Look East Policy’. Paper Presented at the conference on India-ASEAN: Post Summit Perspectives, held by the Centre for the Indian Ocean Studies, Osmania University, Hyderabad, 3-5 July.

However, the hopes generated by the launch of SAARC have gradually been belied. South Asia is yet to develop genuine stakeholders in a peace constituency; the persistent tension between India and Pakistan has virtually crippled the organisation and its various attempts to initiate and sustain regional dialogues, and consultations have proved futile over the years (McPherson, 2002: 252). On the other hand, ASEAN beckons as a success story in terms of centripetal cooperative endeavours overcoming centrifugal forces of all kinds and at various levels (Sabur, 2003: 8586).

According to Varun Sahni (2004: 260-261), neither opposing axes and balance of power,3 nor the Directoire of Great Powers are likely to ensure a sustainable security architecture for Asia. These arrangements, according to him, are not going to serve India’s best interests in Asia. Instead, he would prefer to see the construction of a regional security arrangement in Asia, as an alternate means of containing China, maintaining stability in Asia and minimising the role of the US on the Asian continent—some kind of ‘Asian Helsinki process with “baskets” of issues, ‘some pertaining to inter-state relations, others to matters within sovereign boundaries’ (Sahni, 2004: 260-261).

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